Self-determination of Balochistan: Looking Back and Looking Forward
By Aziz Baloch
Each year on August 14th, the people of Pakistan start celebrating their independence day. On the other hand the people of Balochistan hold a "Black Day" because they never abandon their land. They look back and remember that it has been forcefully annexed and they look forward to fulfilling their right of self-determination.
While looking back, we see the history of Balochistan tells us that on August 4, 1947, the British government, Khan of Kalat (now Balochistan) and the Pakistani rulers signed an agreement that clearly states,
"Kalat State (now Balochistan) will be independent on August 5, 1947, enjoying the same status as it originally held in 1838, having friendly relations with its neighbors." In case the relations of Kalat (now Balochistan) with any future government got strained, Kalat will exercise its right of self-determination, and the British Government should take precautionary measures to help Kalat in the matter as per the Treaties of 1839 and 1841." (By Hussain Bux Thebo balochvoice.com March 3, 2007) The original documents, which were signed and sealed by the head of the Kalat, declared the independence of Balochistan on August 11, 1947. The founder of Pakistan, Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, signed that proclamation on August 12, 1947. It's first clause reads, the "government of Pakistan recognized Kalat (Balochistan) as an independent and autonomous status different than the other Indian states" (By Dr. Inyataullah Baloch, PhD the author of "The Problem of Greater Balochistan"), and the "The New York Times" reported that news.
The democratically elected (upper and lower) Baloch parliament unanimously voted against the merger of Kalat (Balochistan) into Pakistan on December 14, 1947 under the leadership of Mir Ghoz Baksh Bizenjo (pictured). The irony is the undemocratic Pakistani rulers blindly violated the constitution of Kalat (Balochistan) and the Baloch parliamentarian decision.
The most prominent Baloch leader, Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, was always considered by the Pakistani rulers to be the most "dangerous" of Baloch leaders because from the birth of Pakistan he refused to let Balochistan be part of Pakistan. "The Baloch were not a party to the decision to join Pakistan. They did not join Pakistan through their free will or their political alliances." (Rashed Rehman thepost.com January 15, 2008)
Above all, the Pakistani rulers with their trumped-up excuses and lies, individually approached the Khan of Kalat and convinced him to sign the accessions agreement, which Baloch leaders consider illegitimate and against international law.
Right after the occupation of Balochistan, Khan of Kalat's younger brother, the Prince Abdul Karim Baloch who was the former governor of Makuran, resisted such an illegal move and disagreed with his elder brother. He started the first armed struggle against the Pakistani rulers and went to the hills with his fellows to Sarlat, Balochistan, which is at border of Afghanistan.
With Pakistani rules and law, the systematic atrocities and aggressive policies have continued for the last 61 years against the native Baloch people. Baloch believe there is nothing to celebrate on Pakistan's Independence Day. The dominating Pakistani military only believe that their method is right in dealing with the Balochistan conflict. The irony is the cycle of betrayal and undemocratic approaches towards Baloch problems, which remains the same. An Ex-Baloch senator, Sanaullah Baloch, once referred to the central government, "Accept us as equal federating units or we will try to get rid of you."
The plight of Baloch people has been hidden to the rest of the world. Pakistani media have hid the burning issues of Balochistan from the international community for decades, but the Diaspora of Baloch from the Middle East, Europe and North America are trying to expose the ground reality of Balochistan to the world. Baloch individuals have utilized the internet to its fullest for it has been an exceptional tool in getting the other side of the story out and, more importantly, exposing and expressing their side.
Once a Baloch villager, Buzdar told the BBC , "Our land (Balochistan) played an important role in making Pakistan a nuclear power, but all we have got in return is poverty and poison" ("Villagers fear of nuclear waste," BBC April 4, 2006). The villager, Buzdar, is right. Balochistan makes up 43% of Pakistan's landmass. It has rich-natural resources with 750 coastlines and a population of less than 10 million, yet it remains the most backward province, when compared to the three remaining provinces: Sindh, North West Frontier provinces, and Punjab. It has the lowest literacy rate according to a report by the United Nations sponsored agencies in Balochistan. Their report further confirms the very obvious fact that Balochistan is very far behind in many categories, such as literacy, and has one of the lowest per capita standings. "Balochistan is below the recognized standard of illiteracy in many third world countries," exclaims Professor Mansoor Kundi, a political science professor at the University of Balochistan.
Baloch people have already faced five ruthless military operations that occurred in the following time periods: 1948, 1958, 1960, 1973-77, and 2005. On March 17, 2005, innocent individuals were killed including Hindus, Baloch women, children, and the elderly. Nawab Akbar Bugti was barely missed by Pakistani security force who fired rockets while he was sitting in a meeting room talking with his tribes.
The late Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a civilian ruler, on February 12, 1973 dismissed the democratically elected government of Balochistan. In that government there were two prominent Baloch leaders: the late Mir Ghoz Baksh Bizenjo who was the governor of Balochistan and Sardar Attauallah Mengal, the Chief Minister of Balochistan.
From 1973 to 1977, a bloody military operation in Balochistan occurred. Pakistani and Iranian military forces indiscriminately started mass killings of innocent nomad Baloch. Five thousand Baloch were murdered in cold blood, and 3,000 Pakistani soldiers lost their lives. But Baloch people still cannot qualify as genocide victims. Under their military might, Pakistan is facing mass killings and disappearances of individuals who simply seek to defend their rights.
Mr. Sleg Harrison interviewed the Baloch leaders and the Prime Minister of Pakistan, the late Mr. Bhutto, during 1977, for his book, In Afghanistan's Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptations. The late Mr. Bhutto told him about the Shah of Iran. "He (Shah of Iran) felt strongly that letting the Baluch have provincial self-government was not only dangerous in itself. For Pakistan, but would give his Baluch dangerous ideas….we will not close our eyes to any secessionist movement-God forbid-in your country."
From such dire situations, the relationship between Baloch leaders and their respective ruling regimes has been widening rather than making amends. In such a murky situation, Baloch leadership can hardly convince the politically conscious Baloch that any progress pertaining to Balochistan autonomy is on the horizon.
The late Mr. Bizenjo (former governor of Balochistan) was widely referred to as "The Father of Balochistan" because he was actively involved in politics throughout his political career. One of his colleagues, Sardar Attaullah Khan Mengal said this about him, "the man can't live without politics. I can do without it, but he has to have it all the time or he will perish." He participated in five Pakistani parliamentary elections; he was a moderate Baloch leader who was willing to compromise with the Pakistani rulers for the sake of Baloch rights. But his attempt of duplicating Gandhi's non-violent approach, which freed India from its chains of slavery, was deemed very unsuccessful.
Throughout his political career he worked with the Pakistani progressive and democratic forces until his death. Always keeping his integrity, Mr. Bizenjo refused to sell himself and his beliefs. Operating in one of the most corrupt political environments, his financial background was not that strong compared to rivals who selfishly dipped into the bank of dishonesty and corruption.
But the irony was, Pakistani rulers intentionally sidelined him even when they knew he was the most democratic personality in Islamabad. In comparison to the other leaders of his country, he told Mr. Harrison during 1977 in his interview that "this is not our (Baloch leadership) fault; it is because of the failure of the authorities in Pakistan to deal with the problems (of Balochistan) in reasonable manner."
I would say, perhaps Mr. Harrison concluded in the best way about the late Mir Bizenjo when he wrote "in my view, he (the late Mr. Bizenjo) is one of the ablest politicians in Pakistan and could have played a major role in Islamabad but for his Baluch identity and his commitment to the Baluch cause." I think that's why Pakistani rulers intentionally sidelined him--because of his identity and being a Baloch leader from Balochistan.
He kept the interests of his people as his first priority and carried the soul of every Baloch who travelled every corner of Balochistan. He tried to meet with all walks of people anywhere, any time, whether under the shade of palm trees, in huts, at the corner of a river or in front of the shop. He openly listened to their pain and showed his sympathy regardless of being powerless. This was a symbolic act of any democratic leader. That's why he touched his people's hearts all around Balochistan.
Mr. Harrison expressed his views further about the personality of late Mr. Bizenjo. He writes, "as a result of his education at Aligarh, [I would say Oxford of sub-continent] Bizenjo received much greater exposure...of pre-independence political life in the sub-continents than his parochially educated Baluch colleagues, with the notable exception of Oxford-educated Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti" (former governor and premier of Balochistan.)
Indeed Mr. Harrison's analysis is true about the Oxford-educated Baloch Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. That great leader spent about 57 years with Pakistani rulers and in the parliamentary politics of Pakistan trying to achieve Baloch rights just like the late Mr. Bizenjo.
He also served as governor and premiere of Balochistan. He was well known both amongst his well wishers and opponents as a tough negotiator. He was straightforward and never bowed down, nor did he give up his own principles, which he believed in until his last day. For instance, during his governorship in 1973, he had conflicts and disagreements with the late Prime Minister, Mr. Bhutto, and he resigned his premiership but did not compromise his principles. Senator Mushahid Husain Sayed from Punjab and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain (the leader of ex-governing Pakistan Muslim League) led the Pakistani "Parliamentary Committee" that was supposed to resolve the Baluchistan crisis. Instead they betrayed the Baloch leaders. Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, instead of accepting their terms of negotiation for the interest of the "Baloch cause," refused to give up his principles till his death.
Pakistani generals had already set the grounds for eliminating Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, simply because he was trying to expose their lies and blunders toward Baloch rights and did not accept their falsely given hope through the "Parliamentary Committee." This is the pattern of Punjabi leaders towards Baloch for the last six decades.
He did what the legendary Baloch heroes before had done; fight till your last breath on the hills of Balochistan to protect his ancestral land and resources. Only one week before, BBC reporters interviewed him through satellite phone from the hills of Balochistan about the "Parliamentary Committee" outcome and the result of the negotiations with the Pakistani rulers. He replied, "they are communicating with us through the use of cannons, fighter jets, deep penetration bombs; these are such great dialogues that they are having loud discussions with us." (BBC August 16, 2006)
Its worth mentioning here that the United States provided sophisticated and modern weapons for the "war on terror" against the Taliban. The Pakistani military used these against the native Baloch during that military operation.
A New York reporter who visited the operation area in the hills of Balochistan writes, "indeed huge craters and fragments from American-designed MK-82 bombs lay beside a badly damaged school in village of Mararar (Balochistan) the results of bombing raid the Baluch fighters said occurred at the beginning of March" ("In remote Pakistan province Civil War Festers" New York Times, by Carlotta Gal,l April 2, 2006).
On August 26, 2006, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was assassinated by Pakistani generals. But he knew and was exactly expecting such an outcome from the ruthless enemy. Before his death he said, "let us before we die, gather up our heritage, and offer to our children." That's what he proved by sacrificing his life for the "Baloch cause." Similarly, a young Nawabzada Balach Marri, a former provincial assembly member of Balochistan, became a history maker in the Baloch national struggle. He was assassinated by Pakistani intelligence agencies while fighting to defend the Baloch national wealth and land against the illegal occupiers.
There is no doubt that the symbolic acts of Nawab Akbar Bugti and Nawabzada Balach Marri were similar to those of the legendary hero, Mir Mehrab Khan. On November 13, 1839, he fought against the British Empire's invasions in Kalat along with his Baloch forces till his last breath for this ancestral land. So they have filled the gap or hole of a long Baloch national struggle once again in the 21st century, particularly by their sacrifice for the "Baloch cause." They inspired thousands of young Baloch who joined the Baloch national struggle, including Nawab Akbar Bugti's 27-year-old grandson, Nawabzada Bramdagh Bugti, who is fully determined to carry his grandfather's legacy--the quest for the self-determination of Balochistan.
Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti truly analyzed the Baloch people's understanding about their national cause when he said "the Baloch are conscious of their past; very much conscious of themselves… and this consciousness is increasing." We truly see that consciousnesses.
The Baloch are up and in arms in the "Baloch Republican Army," the "Balochistan Liberation Army", and the "Balochistan Liberations Front" on the hills of Balochistan.
The true Baloch parliamentarian leadership is leaving no stone unturned to let the central government know through the provincial "controlled" assembly of Balochistan that the biased and imposed polices have no room among Baloch leaders and they know through such parliamentary politics there is no hope for self-rule of Balochistan. They are there to expose the undemocratic and aggressive polices towards their people, and that struggle will continue by looking forward to achieving their right of self-determination.
Pakistani authority, leaders, academia, intellectuals and media, for the last 61 years, have twisted Balochistan's true history by labelling Baloch leaders "separatist." Such a label is false and irrelevant to the Baloch leadership.
"They paint Baloch as 'separatist,' which is wrong because Balochistan has never been part of India…Baloch are fighting for their liberation not separation that was East Bengal…which separated from Pakistan because Pakistani military did not accept Bengali people's mandate for their majority rule and started genocide of millions of Bengalis and rape of hundreds of thousands of women," says a senior Baloch intellectual and poet, Abdul Samad Ameeri (Balochi-culture August 16, 2008).
The best road map for resolving the historical grievances of the Baloch people will be through United Nations observers along with observers from the international community and an expert monitoring team. The Baloch people should be given the opportunity for a referendum. Let them decide about their future for themselves by simply asking one question: are you pro-independence for Balochistan or pro-Pakistan?
The outcome of such a Baloch poll will determine the future of Balochistan, whether they want to remain within Pakistan or want their own ancestral land. The other option is continued failed negotiations with the Baloch leaders and a cycle of betrayal.
Every year on August 14th, Pakistanis celebrate their country's independence while the Baloch despise it for being another year still under Pakistani rule. Perhaps the martyred Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's saying "peace in Balochistan, things of distant past" may be the truth for the future for many more years to come.
Originally published at: http://www.articlesbase.com/international-studies-articles/selfdetermination-of-balochistan-looking-back-and-looking-forward-534346.html
While looking back, we see the history of Balochistan tells us that on August 4, 1947, the British government, Khan of Kalat (now Balochistan) and the Pakistani rulers signed an agreement that clearly states,
"Kalat State (now Balochistan) will be independent on August 5, 1947, enjoying the same status as it originally held in 1838, having friendly relations with its neighbors." In case the relations of Kalat (now Balochistan) with any future government got strained, Kalat will exercise its right of self-determination, and the British Government should take precautionary measures to help Kalat in the matter as per the Treaties of 1839 and 1841." (By Hussain Bux Thebo balochvoice.com March 3, 2007) The original documents, which were signed and sealed by the head of the Kalat, declared the independence of Balochistan on August 11, 1947. The founder of Pakistan, Mr. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, signed that proclamation on August 12, 1947. It's first clause reads, the "government of Pakistan recognized Kalat (Balochistan) as an independent and autonomous status different than the other Indian states" (By Dr. Inyataullah Baloch, PhD the author of "The Problem of Greater Balochistan"), and the "The New York Times" reported that news.
The democratically elected (upper and lower) Baloch parliament unanimously voted against the merger of Kalat (Balochistan) into Pakistan on December 14, 1947 under the leadership of Mir Ghoz Baksh Bizenjo (pictured). The irony is the undemocratic Pakistani rulers blindly violated the constitution of Kalat (Balochistan) and the Baloch parliamentarian decision.
The most prominent Baloch leader, Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, was always considered by the Pakistani rulers to be the most "dangerous" of Baloch leaders because from the birth of Pakistan he refused to let Balochistan be part of Pakistan. "The Baloch were not a party to the decision to join Pakistan. They did not join Pakistan through their free will or their political alliances." (Rashed Rehman thepost.com January 15, 2008)
Above all, the Pakistani rulers with their trumped-up excuses and lies, individually approached the Khan of Kalat and convinced him to sign the accessions agreement, which Baloch leaders consider illegitimate and against international law.
Right after the occupation of Balochistan, Khan of Kalat's younger brother, the Prince Abdul Karim Baloch who was the former governor of Makuran, resisted such an illegal move and disagreed with his elder brother. He started the first armed struggle against the Pakistani rulers and went to the hills with his fellows to Sarlat, Balochistan, which is at border of Afghanistan.
With Pakistani rules and law, the systematic atrocities and aggressive policies have continued for the last 61 years against the native Baloch people. Baloch believe there is nothing to celebrate on Pakistan's Independence Day. The dominating Pakistani military only believe that their method is right in dealing with the Balochistan conflict. The irony is the cycle of betrayal and undemocratic approaches towards Baloch problems, which remains the same. An Ex-Baloch senator, Sanaullah Baloch, once referred to the central government, "Accept us as equal federating units or we will try to get rid of you."
The plight of Baloch people has been hidden to the rest of the world. Pakistani media have hid the burning issues of Balochistan from the international community for decades, but the Diaspora of Baloch from the Middle East, Europe and North America are trying to expose the ground reality of Balochistan to the world. Baloch individuals have utilized the internet to its fullest for it has been an exceptional tool in getting the other side of the story out and, more importantly, exposing and expressing their side.
Once a Baloch villager, Buzdar told the BBC , "Our land (Balochistan) played an important role in making Pakistan a nuclear power, but all we have got in return is poverty and poison" ("Villagers fear of nuclear waste," BBC April 4, 2006). The villager, Buzdar, is right. Balochistan makes up 43% of Pakistan's landmass. It has rich-natural resources with 750 coastlines and a population of less than 10 million, yet it remains the most backward province, when compared to the three remaining provinces: Sindh, North West Frontier provinces, and Punjab. It has the lowest literacy rate according to a report by the United Nations sponsored agencies in Balochistan. Their report further confirms the very obvious fact that Balochistan is very far behind in many categories, such as literacy, and has one of the lowest per capita standings. "Balochistan is below the recognized standard of illiteracy in many third world countries," exclaims Professor Mansoor Kundi, a political science professor at the University of Balochistan.
Baloch people have already faced five ruthless military operations that occurred in the following time periods: 1948, 1958, 1960, 1973-77, and 2005. On March 17, 2005, innocent individuals were killed including Hindus, Baloch women, children, and the elderly. Nawab Akbar Bugti was barely missed by Pakistani security force who fired rockets while he was sitting in a meeting room talking with his tribes.
The late Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a civilian ruler, on February 12, 1973 dismissed the democratically elected government of Balochistan. In that government there were two prominent Baloch leaders: the late Mir Ghoz Baksh Bizenjo who was the governor of Balochistan and Sardar Attauallah Mengal, the Chief Minister of Balochistan.
From 1973 to 1977, a bloody military operation in Balochistan occurred. Pakistani and Iranian military forces indiscriminately started mass killings of innocent nomad Baloch. Five thousand Baloch were murdered in cold blood, and 3,000 Pakistani soldiers lost their lives. But Baloch people still cannot qualify as genocide victims. Under their military might, Pakistan is facing mass killings and disappearances of individuals who simply seek to defend their rights.
Mr. Sleg Harrison interviewed the Baloch leaders and the Prime Minister of Pakistan, the late Mr. Bhutto, during 1977, for his book, In Afghanistan's Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptations. The late Mr. Bhutto told him about the Shah of Iran. "He (Shah of Iran) felt strongly that letting the Baluch have provincial self-government was not only dangerous in itself. For Pakistan, but would give his Baluch dangerous ideas….we will not close our eyes to any secessionist movement-God forbid-in your country."
From such dire situations, the relationship between Baloch leaders and their respective ruling regimes has been widening rather than making amends. In such a murky situation, Baloch leadership can hardly convince the politically conscious Baloch that any progress pertaining to Balochistan autonomy is on the horizon.
The late Mr. Bizenjo (former governor of Balochistan) was widely referred to as "The Father of Balochistan" because he was actively involved in politics throughout his political career. One of his colleagues, Sardar Attaullah Khan Mengal said this about him, "the man can't live without politics. I can do without it, but he has to have it all the time or he will perish." He participated in five Pakistani parliamentary elections; he was a moderate Baloch leader who was willing to compromise with the Pakistani rulers for the sake of Baloch rights. But his attempt of duplicating Gandhi's non-violent approach, which freed India from its chains of slavery, was deemed very unsuccessful.
Throughout his political career he worked with the Pakistani progressive and democratic forces until his death. Always keeping his integrity, Mr. Bizenjo refused to sell himself and his beliefs. Operating in one of the most corrupt political environments, his financial background was not that strong compared to rivals who selfishly dipped into the bank of dishonesty and corruption.
But the irony was, Pakistani rulers intentionally sidelined him even when they knew he was the most democratic personality in Islamabad. In comparison to the other leaders of his country, he told Mr. Harrison during 1977 in his interview that "this is not our (Baloch leadership) fault; it is because of the failure of the authorities in Pakistan to deal with the problems (of Balochistan) in reasonable manner."
I would say, perhaps Mr. Harrison concluded in the best way about the late Mir Bizenjo when he wrote "in my view, he (the late Mr. Bizenjo) is one of the ablest politicians in Pakistan and could have played a major role in Islamabad but for his Baluch identity and his commitment to the Baluch cause." I think that's why Pakistani rulers intentionally sidelined him--because of his identity and being a Baloch leader from Balochistan.
He kept the interests of his people as his first priority and carried the soul of every Baloch who travelled every corner of Balochistan. He tried to meet with all walks of people anywhere, any time, whether under the shade of palm trees, in huts, at the corner of a river or in front of the shop. He openly listened to their pain and showed his sympathy regardless of being powerless. This was a symbolic act of any democratic leader. That's why he touched his people's hearts all around Balochistan.
Mr. Harrison expressed his views further about the personality of late Mr. Bizenjo. He writes, "as a result of his education at Aligarh, [I would say Oxford of sub-continent] Bizenjo received much greater exposure...of pre-independence political life in the sub-continents than his parochially educated Baluch colleagues, with the notable exception of Oxford-educated Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti" (former governor and premier of Balochistan.)
Indeed Mr. Harrison's analysis is true about the Oxford-educated Baloch Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. That great leader spent about 57 years with Pakistani rulers and in the parliamentary politics of Pakistan trying to achieve Baloch rights just like the late Mr. Bizenjo.
He also served as governor and premiere of Balochistan. He was well known both amongst his well wishers and opponents as a tough negotiator. He was straightforward and never bowed down, nor did he give up his own principles, which he believed in until his last day. For instance, during his governorship in 1973, he had conflicts and disagreements with the late Prime Minister, Mr. Bhutto, and he resigned his premiership but did not compromise his principles. Senator Mushahid Husain Sayed from Punjab and Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain (the leader of ex-governing Pakistan Muslim League) led the Pakistani "Parliamentary Committee" that was supposed to resolve the Baluchistan crisis. Instead they betrayed the Baloch leaders. Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, instead of accepting their terms of negotiation for the interest of the "Baloch cause," refused to give up his principles till his death.
Pakistani generals had already set the grounds for eliminating Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, simply because he was trying to expose their lies and blunders toward Baloch rights and did not accept their falsely given hope through the "Parliamentary Committee." This is the pattern of Punjabi leaders towards Baloch for the last six decades.
He did what the legendary Baloch heroes before had done; fight till your last breath on the hills of Balochistan to protect his ancestral land and resources. Only one week before, BBC reporters interviewed him through satellite phone from the hills of Balochistan about the "Parliamentary Committee" outcome and the result of the negotiations with the Pakistani rulers. He replied, "they are communicating with us through the use of cannons, fighter jets, deep penetration bombs; these are such great dialogues that they are having loud discussions with us." (BBC August 16, 2006)
Its worth mentioning here that the United States provided sophisticated and modern weapons for the "war on terror" against the Taliban. The Pakistani military used these against the native Baloch during that military operation.
A New York reporter who visited the operation area in the hills of Balochistan writes, "indeed huge craters and fragments from American-designed MK-82 bombs lay beside a badly damaged school in village of Mararar (Balochistan) the results of bombing raid the Baluch fighters said occurred at the beginning of March" ("In remote Pakistan province Civil War Festers" New York Times, by Carlotta Gal,l April 2, 2006).
On August 26, 2006, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was assassinated by Pakistani generals. But he knew and was exactly expecting such an outcome from the ruthless enemy. Before his death he said, "let us before we die, gather up our heritage, and offer to our children." That's what he proved by sacrificing his life for the "Baloch cause." Similarly, a young Nawabzada Balach Marri, a former provincial assembly member of Balochistan, became a history maker in the Baloch national struggle. He was assassinated by Pakistani intelligence agencies while fighting to defend the Baloch national wealth and land against the illegal occupiers.
There is no doubt that the symbolic acts of Nawab Akbar Bugti and Nawabzada Balach Marri were similar to those of the legendary hero, Mir Mehrab Khan. On November 13, 1839, he fought against the British Empire's invasions in Kalat along with his Baloch forces till his last breath for this ancestral land. So they have filled the gap or hole of a long Baloch national struggle once again in the 21st century, particularly by their sacrifice for the "Baloch cause." They inspired thousands of young Baloch who joined the Baloch national struggle, including Nawab Akbar Bugti's 27-year-old grandson, Nawabzada Bramdagh Bugti, who is fully determined to carry his grandfather's legacy--the quest for the self-determination of Balochistan.
Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti truly analyzed the Baloch people's understanding about their national cause when he said "the Baloch are conscious of their past; very much conscious of themselves… and this consciousness is increasing." We truly see that consciousnesses.
The Baloch are up and in arms in the "Baloch Republican Army," the "Balochistan Liberation Army", and the "Balochistan Liberations Front" on the hills of Balochistan.
The true Baloch parliamentarian leadership is leaving no stone unturned to let the central government know through the provincial "controlled" assembly of Balochistan that the biased and imposed polices have no room among Baloch leaders and they know through such parliamentary politics there is no hope for self-rule of Balochistan. They are there to expose the undemocratic and aggressive polices towards their people, and that struggle will continue by looking forward to achieving their right of self-determination.
Pakistani authority, leaders, academia, intellectuals and media, for the last 61 years, have twisted Balochistan's true history by labelling Baloch leaders "separatist." Such a label is false and irrelevant to the Baloch leadership.
"They paint Baloch as 'separatist,' which is wrong because Balochistan has never been part of India…Baloch are fighting for their liberation not separation that was East Bengal…which separated from Pakistan because Pakistani military did not accept Bengali people's mandate for their majority rule and started genocide of millions of Bengalis and rape of hundreds of thousands of women," says a senior Baloch intellectual and poet, Abdul Samad Ameeri (Balochi-culture August 16, 2008).
The best road map for resolving the historical grievances of the Baloch people will be through United Nations observers along with observers from the international community and an expert monitoring team. The Baloch people should be given the opportunity for a referendum. Let them decide about their future for themselves by simply asking one question: are you pro-independence for Balochistan or pro-Pakistan?
The outcome of such a Baloch poll will determine the future of Balochistan, whether they want to remain within Pakistan or want their own ancestral land. The other option is continued failed negotiations with the Baloch leaders and a cycle of betrayal.
Every year on August 14th, Pakistanis celebrate their country's independence while the Baloch despise it for being another year still under Pakistani rule. Perhaps the martyred Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti's saying "peace in Balochistan, things of distant past" may be the truth for the future for many more years to come.
Originally published at: http://www.articlesbase.com/international-studies-articles/selfdetermination-of-balochistan-looking-back-and-looking-forward-534346.html